DONALD TRUMP came into office promising to end the war in Ukraine in 24 hours. Now, six months later, his meetings with Vladimir Putin in Alaska and Volodymyr Zelensky and European leaders in Washington may have put the US, Russia and Ukraine on a new path toward peace. Or, if this initiative fails, that could trigger an even more dangerous escalation, with war hawks in Congress already pushing for another $54.6 billion in weapons for Ukraine.

After the meeting in Alaska, Putin correctly framed the historical moment: “This was a very hard time for bilateral relations and, let’s be frank, they’ve fallen to the lowest point since the cold war. I think that’s not benefiting our countries and the world as a whole. Sooner or later, we have to amend the situation to move on from confrontation to dialogue.”

Trump may or may not take part in an upcoming meeting between Putin and Zelensky, and he presents the US role as simply that of an innocent bystander trying to help. In Ukraine, as in Palestine, Washington plays the “mediator” while pouring weapons, intelligence and political cover into one side of the war. In Gaza, that has enabled genocide. In Ukraine, it could lead to nuclear war.

Despite protests from Zelensky and European leaders, Trump was right to meet Putin, not because they are friends, but because the US and Russia are enemies, and because the war they are fighting to the last Ukrainian is the front line of a global conflict between the US, Russia and China.

In our book, War In Ukraine: Making Sense of a Senseless Conflict, which we have now updated and revised to cover three years of war in Ukraine, we have detailed the US role in expanding Nato up to Russia’s borders, its support for the violent overthrow of Ukraine’s elected government in 2014, its undermining of the Minsk II peace accord, and its rejection of a peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine after only two months of war in 2022.

We doubt that Trump fully grasps this history. Are his simplistic statements alternately blaming Russia and Ukraine, but never the US, just a public facade for domestic consumption, or does he really believe the US’s hands are clean?

At their first meeting in Saudi Arabia on February 18, senior US and Russian negotiators agreed on a three-step plan: first to restore US-Russian diplomatic relations; then to negotiate peace in Ukraine; and finally to work on resolving the broader, underlying breakdown in relations between the US and Russia. Trump and Putin’s decision to meet in Alaska was a recognition that they had to address the deeper rift before they can achieve a stable and lasting peace in Ukraine.

The stakes are high. Russia has been waging a war of attrition, concentrating on destroying Ukrainian forces and military equipment rather than on advancing quickly and seizing a lot more territory. It has still not occupied all of Donetsk province, which unilaterally declared independence from Ukraine in May 2014, and which Russia officially annexed before its invasion in February 2022.

The failure of peace negotiations could lead to a more aggressive Russian war plan to seize territory much faster. Ukrainian forces are thinly spread out along much of its 700-mile front line, with as few as 100 soldiers often manning several miles of defences. A major Russian offensive could lead to the collapse of the Ukrainian military or the fall of the Zelensky government.

How would the US and its Western allies respond to such major changes in the strategic picture? Zelensky’s European allies talk tough, but have always rejected sending their own troops to Ukraine, apart from small numbers of special operations forces and mercenaries.

Putin addressed the Europeans in his remarks after the Alaska summit: “We expect that Kiev and the European capitals will perceive [the negotiations] constructively, and that they won’t throw a wrench in the works, will not make any attempts to use some backroom dealings to conduct provocations to torpedo the nascent progress.”

Meanwhile, more US and Nato troops are fighting from the relative safety of the joint Ukraine-Nato war headquarters at the US military base in Wiesbaden in Germany, where they work with Ukrainian forces to plan operations, co-ordinate intelligence and target missile and drone strikes. If the war escalates further, Wiesbaden could become a target for Russian missile strikes, just as Nato missiles already target bases in Russia. How would the US and Germany respond to Russian missile strikes on Wiesbaden?

The US and Nato’s official policy has always been to keep Ukraine fighting until it is in a stronger position to negotiate with Russia, as Joe Biden wrote in the New York Times in June 2022. But every time the US and Nato prolong or escalate the war, they leave Ukraine in a weaker position, not a stronger one.

The neutrality agreement that the US and Britain rejected in April 2022 included a Russian withdrawal from all the territory it had just occupied. But that was not good enough for Boris Johnson and Biden, who instead promised a long war to weaken Russia.

Nato military leaders believed that Ukraine’s counter-offensive in the fall of 2022 achieved the stronger position they were looking for, and US General Milley went out on a limb to say publicly that Ukraine should “seize the moment” to negotiate.

But Biden and Zelensky rejected his advice, and Ukraine’s failed offensive in 2023 squandered the moment they had failed to seize. No amount of deceptive propaganda can hide the reality that it has been downhill since then, and 69 per cent of Ukrainians now want a negotiated peace, before their position gets even worse.

So Trump went to Alaska with a weak hand, but one that will get weaker still if the war goes on. The European politicians urging Zelensky to cling to his maximalist demands want to look tough to their own people, but the keys to a stable and lasting peace are still Ukrainian neutrality, self-determination for the people of all regions of Ukraine, and a genuine peace process that finally lays to rest the zombification of the cold war.

The whole world celebrated the end of the cold war in 1991, but the people of the world are still waiting for the long-promised peace dividend that a generation of corrupt, war-mongering leaders has stolen from us.

As negotiations progress, US and British officials must be honest about their countries’ roles in provoking this crisis. They must demonstrate that they are ready to listen to Russia’s concerns, take them seriously, and negotiate in good faith to achieve a stable and lasting agreement that delivers peace and security to all parties in the Ukraine war, and in the wider cold war it is part of.

Medea Benjamin and Nicolas JS Davies are the authors of War in Ukraine: Making Sense of a Senseless Conflict, published by OR Books, with a revised edition due out this summer (www.wp.orbooks.com).