ON May 2, hundreds of trade unionists gathered in Barnsley to mark the 100th anniversary of the General Strike.

The event, organised by Unite for a Workers Economy in partnership with the Durham Miners Association (DMA) and the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), brought together activists, historians and workers for a full day of reflection and mobilisation.

The programme began with breakfast and a series of history seminars, followed by speeches, a march through the town to the NUM headquarters, and an evening gig.

Throughout the day, the focus remained clear: connecting the struggles of the past with those of the present and the future.

The morning opened with a powerful session led by Janet Hughes on the role of women during the General Strike and subsequent lockout.

Echoing lessons from our recent trip to Bristol, Hughes highlighted the leadership of women organisers such as Mary Quaile, who addressed rallies of up to 20,000 people in Manchester.

She challenged the persistent minimisation of women’s contributions, emphasising that their work was not passive support but active resistance — what many described as “breaking the weapon of starvation.”

Women’s organising demonstrated innovation, co-ordination and agency, offering enduring lessons on how collective action must confront structural inequality.

Dan Edmonds, a researcher working on a project called Inclusive Histories, continued this focus, addressing the absence of the General Strike — and particularly women’s organising — from school curriculums.

Drawing on figures such as Marion Phillips, Bill Muckle and communist MP Shapurji Saklatvala, he illustrated the breadth of activism during the period.

Phillips, who later became an MP, successfully mobilised both public sympathy and practical support, framing miners’ relief as both a humanitarian cause and a political call to action — especially directed at women in the labour movement.

“This is work that every labour women in Britain should be engaged upon.”

Saklatvala’s powerful oratory and militant anti-imperialist politics made him a significant threat to the state, ultimately leading to his imprisonment.

Meanwhile, Edmonds recounted the story of Bill Muckle and the Cramlington miners, arrested after the derailment of the Flying Scotsman. He highlighted the crucial role of the International Class War Prisoners Aid, which campaigned for their release and supported their families — an organisation Muckle himself continued to support after leaving prison.

Edd Mustill, author of Britain’s Revolutionary Summer, explored tensions between the national Trades Union Congress and local “councils of action,” which effectively governed cities during the strike through systems such as permit controls.

He described the extent of state repression, including mass arrests of strike leaders, such as in Birmingham, where nearly the entire strike committee was detained.

Liam Ryan examined the role of strike-breaking, analysing how weak organisation in some regions, combined with deliberate efforts to recruit special constables and encourage crossing picket lines, were all examples of things that undermined the strike.

Callum Cant and Matthew Lee, authors of The Future in Our Past, shifted the focus to rank-and-file power, particularly among east London dockworkers.

They framed the General Strike as a struggle over logistics, over who controlled the flow of food and goods.

The dockers’ strategic position and strong organisation mirrored that of the miners, contributing to the strike’s growing momentum.

Notably, even after its official end, an additional 100,000 workers joined the General Strike the following day.

These discussions carried into the afternoon as participants gathered in the market square. A brass colliery band played while banners from across the labour movement assembled ahead of the march to the NUM headquarters.

Speakers from the Royal College of Midwives and Unite Birmingham bin workers drew clear connections between the solidarity of 1926 and contemporary struggles.

This interplay between past and present set the tone for the march itself. Young families walked alongside veteran miners from the 1984-85 strike, embodying the idea that the future is built on the legacy we inherit.

At the NUM headquarters, the space was filled with lodge banners, stalls from the Modern Records Centre at Warwick University (another GS100 partner), and commemorative materials.

Rianne Hooley, of Unison opened the rally by contextualising the recent victory at the National Coal Mining Museum for England.

Workers — many of them veteran miners of the 1984–85 strike — secured a 10 per cent pay increase after eight months of industrial action, demonstrating the continued power of organised labour.

Speakers throughout the day emphasised the centrality of class in shaping both historical and current struggles, particularly in the face of rising far-right rhetoric. DMA general secretary Alan Mardghum warned against division, reminding the crowd that “the real enemies do not come from small boats; they come from private jets.”

The rally concluded with Unite general secretary Sharon Graham, who reflected on personal experiences of workplace death on her family and the importance of International Workers’ Memorial Day.

She highlighted Unite’s recent industrial record — 1,600 disputes involving 280,000 members, winning £700 million back for workers — and closed with a clear message for the movement: “Victory is the struggle, and the struggle is the victory.”

Our next visits will take us to both Newcastle in Brighton later this month.

To explore the full partnership and plan your own visit, head to GeneralStrike100.com and find your nearest event.