IRISH military neutrality is greatly valued. It has enhanced the reputation of our peacekeepers overseas and allowed Ireland to remain a voice for peace, dialogue and the international rules-based order. We are a small nation, on the outskirts of Europe, still scarred by the effects of colonialism, occupation and partition. Our historical and contemporary experiences, while unique, give us an invaluable empathy when assessing areas of conflict internationally. We have a proud history of peace and conflict resolution. Our own peace process stands as a beacon for those suffering the horrors of conflict elsewhere. 

We can only maintain this position by preserving our neutrality, defending our independent, sovereign foreign policy and holding true to the practice of genuine non-alignment. 

Preserving the above is becoming increasingly difficult. Neutrality is wrongly portrayed as being weak, indifferent or freeloading. Nothing could be further from the truth. Neutrality, with non-alignment, represents confidence in playing a constructive role on the world’s stage. It represents standing up for international law and human rights. Military neutrality does not mean political or moral neutrality. We condemn, unequivocally, all forms of imperialism, colonialism and military adventurism. Our independent foreign policy allows us to be consistent in condemning aggression from whichever quarter it emanates, against whoever; be that Palestine, Ukraine, Iran, Sudan or anywhere else. 

We are a small nation and will never be a military power, nor should we aspire to be one. Ireland needs to invest in our own Defence Forces and defence capacity. We face threats and we need to counter them. We need to defend our seas and skies, and Ireland must develop radar capabilities, a Cyber Security Command, a dedicated system to counter unmanned aerial vehicles and strengthen our naval defences. 

All actors relevant to foreign policy and defence in Ireland — the Irish government, the British government and the European Union — are pursuing alternative agendas.

The Irish government has made its intentions abundantly clear. It is intent on dismantling neutrality. In recent months, we have seen the dismantling of the Triple Lock Neutrality Protection (which requires agreement from the Irish cabinet, a formal vote and approval from the Dail and a UN mandate), participation in the British-led Joint Expeditionary Force (a North Atlantic naval alliance which is designed to counter Russia), and statements declaring us as being “militarily” committed. This comes after decades of gradual shifts away from neutrality, with examples including joining Nato’s “Partnership For Peace,” Pesco and the continued use of Shannon Airport by the armed forces of the United States.

Sounding the alarm

The dismantling of the Triple Lock Neutrality Protection, however, is particularly alarming. The Triple Lock requires the approval of the executive, legislature and UN before more than 12 Irish troops can be deployed. It is a core component of our neutrality and independent foreign policy. The Irish people required assurances that the Triple Lock would be unaffected before the Nice and Lisbon referendums, and it remains hugely popular, with only 35 per cent of the public supporting its removal. Despite this, the Dublin government has taken steps to dismantle this and remove the requirement for a UN mandate. This would open the door for the deployment of Irish troops to a whole variety of missions, including, potentially, major international conflicts, legally questionable peacekeeping missions or gross misadventures. 

While the United Nations has its flaws, it remains the best hope for an international institution capable of upholding and enforcing international law. If Irish peacekeepers begin to participate in missions with no UN mandate, it is conceivable that other countries will question Ireland’s military neutrality.

There is no question that Ireland faces security challenges. Our Defence Forces are in dire need of investment. Not only is this a security consideration, it’s a workers’ rights issue. Our Defence Force personnel are workers – they deserve good wages and conditions, the best of equipment and support, especially if they are to be deployed overseas on vital peacekeeping missions. It is necessary to be strong on defence and strong on neutrality. The current government is weak on both. It is seeking to dilute neutrality and non-alignment while continuing to neglect Ireland’s Defence Forces. In three of the past five years, the Irish government has missed the additional capital funding targets set out in the Commission on the Future of the Defence Forces, totalling a €170 million (£146 million) shortfall.

British government militarisation is particularly repulsive in the context of the dire underfunding of public services in the north of Ireland. Britain is in decline, Britannia no longer rules the waves, yet this Labour government has committed tens of billions of extra spending on weapons of war. This upscaling of militarisation comes after a decade and a half of austerity that has decimated communities. It will come at the expense of working communities in the north of Ireland and across Britain. 

Despite recent developments, Britain will continue to support Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people and trade arms with dangerous regimes internationally. The people of the north of Ireland are crying out for the standard of public services they deserve. That could be delivered for a fraction of the money the British government has committed to weapons of war. It is no surprise that that means for us to escape this militarisation, the building of a new and united Ireland, is growing in popularity. 

Ursula Von der Leyen’s European Commission has committed €800 billion (£687bn) to the ”Re-Arm Europe” project, representing a dramatic ramping-up the agenda of militarisation. The hawks in Brussels clearly want to establish the European Union as a major military power. This was never the plan for the EU. The Irish people, or any other population in Europe, did not sign up for a military project – the European Union should not be a military union. This enormous level of military investment comes at a time when Brussels has refused to commit a financial contribution to the continuation of the EU’s PEACEPLUS programme funding in Ireland. 

These developments have completely overhauled the EU’s own fiscal rules. These rules are always rigid when it comes to spending on the social good; on housing, healthcare or climate action, but appear flexible when it comes to spending on weapons of war. There are also moves within the EU to remove the unanimity requirement for foreign affairs. Any move away from unanimity would fundamentally alter the nature of the EU and represents a critical threat to Irish neutrality and the grounding of our foreign policy in human rights and international law.

These were all topics explored recently at Volksstimmefest (traditionally organised in support of the communist newspaper People’s Voice) in Vienna, organised by a rejuvenated Austrian Communist Party (Kommunistische Partei Osterreich, KPO). I joined colleagues from the KPO, the Party of the European Left, the Belgian Workers’ Party and the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation to discuss these matters at length. While national dynamics are different in each state, and across Europe, the fundamentals of military neutrality, resisting aggressive militarism and the principle of non-alignment are commonly held. 

In detailed discussions, it became apparent that co-operation on these themes is essential, as is the building of broad movements to protect them. The model of Irish neutrality is one that can be applied to other nations in Europe, it is more than being exclusively in our interest. As we drift further toward the total abandonment of the concept of the European Union as a peace project, pertinent examples of the alternative need expression. 

The forces mustered against the causes of neutrality and non-alignment are substantial. To preserve that which we hold dear, and which serves our strategic interests, we need to mobilise and co-operate with fellow travellers. There are initiatives planned across Ireland and Europe in the coming weeks and months. We must learn from each other and present a real alternative to the current, dangerous course of action. 

Let us hold fast to the modernised maxim that inspired our fight for independence over a century ago – we serve neither King, nor Commission, but Ireland. 

Dáire Hughes is the Member of Parliament for Newry and Armagh.