Do you agree that the political agreement signed by the ruling and opposition parties is imperfect?

I believe that for the almost five million voters, over 38 per cent on a turnout of nearly 98 per cent, who voted for the new constitution with enthusiasm and conviction, this agreement is insufficient, imperfect and far from our expectations.

The questions arising from the agreement are the excessive role of “experts,” the distortion of representativeness by electing councillors for the new commission by the system used to elect the senate and the lack of precision in defining citizen participation. So why did the Communist Party remain in this negotiation — and why did it sign it?

As things stand, we must be prepared to take part in the 50-member “group of experts” that will redraft the constitution, because the government parties and other progressives will be represented on it.

At the end of the day, given the present correlations of forces, the defeat in the plebiscite, and the conservative offensive, there are no other options but to be part of the agreement.

How do you respond to the criticisms from the social movements, the feminist movement, and political and academic sectors, that this is an anti-democratic mechanism of the elites?

I think they are legitimate, understandable and to be debated. But I believe that it is the organisations themselves who have to find the most appropriate responses as the agreement begins to materialise.

With the current Pinochet constitution favouring the dominant political and economic elites, the question is whether we can tip the balance in the opposite direction — or at least leave things open to the prospect of change.

The president of the lower house, Vlado Milosevic of the Liberal Party, and, above all, members of Democratic Socialism, the centre-left coalition that supports Gabriel Boric, and the right wing say that it won’t be necessary to make changes to the agreement during the discussion in congress. Do you agree with this or do you believe that there is an opportunity to perfect what is said to be imperfect?

Indeed, congress will have an important, almost tutelary, role in the process. They must first approve the agreement by 4/7 of its members — ie 117 of 205.

A single draft may be presented by the parties that support the agreement, in which gender parity, reserved seats, electoral reform and more will have to be specified. Congress should then choose the experts according to the representation of the parties in the senate and the lower house.

Finally, after the constitutional commission approves the text of the new constitution, it will be submitted to congress, which can approve it by a 4/7 majority without modifying it, before going to a plebiscite.

What are the challenges and objectives for progressive and left-wing sectors in the face of all that is to come with this constitutional process?

The challenges are enormous. We must act with new levels of unity. I hope that the democratic, left-wing and centre-left forces fully understand this.

As for the social movements in general, you never know. I would say that the organised social movements, including the trade union, student, women’s, environmental and other movements, are in a process of reorganisation and strengthening.

There are some favourable reactions to the reforms which seem to me to be of the utmost importance. I would like to say that the Communist Party will continue to promote the struggle for human rights, against impunity and against the negationism that has been imposed recently.

Next year will be largely consumed by the new constitutional process, but there are also strong social demands on issues such as the rising cost of living, crime, tax and pension reforms. What should be prioritised? What role do you assign to the streets, the social movements and the government?

It seems to me that the draft reforms currently before congress are crucial. The social movements need to speak out loudly in favour of them because they will benefit the neglected majority of our society.

I would argue that the government has gone from bad to better. It has strengthened its support base. It has overcome the initial stage of inexperience. There have been ministerial adjustments, and there have also been changes in the regions. I do not rule out further adjustments, but there is greater consolidation.  

The government has taken important steps with the approval of the national budget, with the reform of the public sector, the tax reform also seems to be moving forward and the approval of the pension reform should be completed soon. Importantly, measures have also been announced to mitigate the effects of the increase in the cost of living.

Most people do not understand the factors that are causing the rise in costs, they only know that they are suffering and look to the government. So far the government has delivered palliatives that do not appear to be sufficient — and this must be one of the main concerns in the coming months.

Hugo Guzman is the editor of El Siglo newspaper — www.elsiglo.cl.