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The issues raised by the 2019 popular revolt in Chile remain unresolved
On the fifth anniversary of the rebellion and the eve of local elections, HUGO GUZMAN looks at how the demands made by the people have not been properly addressed

FIVE years after the citizens’ revolt in Chile on October 18 2019, which lasted three months, the leading political and institutional organisations distance themselves from the facts, distorting them in an attempt to criminalise the events. 

This manifests itself at a time when political parties, the Congress and business sector are experiencing the lowest approval rates in a decade.

The entire judiciary is seen as corrupt, the pension reform has been stopped, the cost of living is out of control. You add to it the grotesque and toxic fights in the political arena and among the elites, while the sky-rocketing salaries of government officials cause indignation and rage. Access to quality healthcare and education continues to be exclusive and expensive.

Government policies continue to favour private health consortiums and private pension transnationals continue to rake in profits while pensions remain at poverty levels.

The society is split between those who see the October 18 events as a legitimate “social explosion,” and those labelling it a “criminal enterprise.” Academics, media commentators and political leaders believe “another social explosion is on the cards,” given the reality of widespread inequality and the precariousness of living conditions in popular and marginalised areas.

The point raised in most debates is the failure to change the constitution, as two separate texts of a new magna carta were overwhelmingly rejected in two consecutive plebiscites (2022 and 2023 respectively).

It seems incredible that five years after the popular explosion that shook the political system, the right-wing forces and the supposedly left-wing ruling coalition appear to view it in the same terms. 

The theologian and academic Alvaro Ramis warns that “this authoritarian turn in our society has become the new spirit of the times.” 

Lautaro Carmona, president of the Communist Party, maintains that “nobody has renounced their rights, so the demonstration for transformations will persist, because there are realities to transform.”

The rebellion was a popular tide that, in the course of the last quarter of 2019, spread to the 16 regions of the country, led to the formation of thousands of territorial assemblies, organised marches totalling over three million participants, held hundreds of solidarity concerts in public, set up health brigades in many regions and, most importantly, gave birth to community media.

Finally, the general strike on November 12 was called by the country’s main trade unions: “Chile woke up” was the slogan. Chile had, indeed, woken up.

As is usual in spontaneous social explosions, it was markedly diverse in its expression. There were also acts of vandalism, looting and violence and repressive, disproportionate action by the Carabineros (armed federal police), elements of the armed forces and unidentified violent groups.

Around 30 protesters lost their lives, over 8,000 were detained and more than 11,000 complaints were lodged with the courts for unlawful arrest, police abuse, aggression, torture and major injuries. These events have not been fully investigated to this day.

Jaime Bassa, the former vice-president of the Constitutional Convention, wrote in an article published in Le Monde Diplomatique Chile that “October represents the popular demand to build a fairer and more inclusive social order, based on a more equitable distribution of social goods and capital, not only economic ones.”

A few days before the anniversary almost 40 social, human rights, professional and regional organisations issued a public declaration stating that “five years after the October social uprising, the undersigned organisations reiterate both the legitimacy of the social protest and the full validity of the demands that gave rise to this process … today it is imperative to continue our demand to advance towards a democratic society.”

However, tellingly, up to 61 per cent of respondents in a recent poll by Pulso Ciudadano/Citizen’s Pulse view the “uprising” as “negative.” 

The centre-right Chile Vamos demanded, last week, that the government cancel the pardons granted to demonstrators and to remove from their posts the civil servants who explicitly supported the uprising of October 18. It is part of a sustained attack by the right that seeks to discredit Gabriel Boric’s government ahead of the regional, municipal and councillors’ elections due this weekend (October 26-27).

In response, the government spokesperson, communist Camila Vallejo, said: “Our focus is to continue to meet the demands of the people of better access to health, better education, of a future that does not depend on the place where you were born.

“But, also, we are reminded that those [on the right] who valued peaceful mobilisation and said that certain privileges would have to be renounced, today seem to have forgotten their own words,” she added.

Constanza Martinez, president of the newly formed socialist Frente Amplio (Broad Front), pointed out that “the social outbreak has been reduced to a purely criminal outbreak with a political objective of not addressing the demands still present among the citizenry.”

Meanwhile, Paulina Vodanovic, president of the Socialist Party, said that while “it is true that politically there has been an inability to lead and respond to many of the demands, this was not the fault of the ruling parties, but rather of entrenched interests acting in concert to block such legislation.” 

Jaime Quintana of the centre-left Party for Democracy (PPD) said: “There’s an attempt to ignore issues that are deeply felt by citizens, such as the issue of pensions, which the government and the ruling party have pushed for.”

Senator Francisco Chahuan of the centre-right Renovacion Nacional/National Renewal (RN), which is part of Chile Vamos, calling for a dialogue, said that it was “the irresponsible polarisations of the right and the irresponsible polarisations of the left that are preventing us from achieving structural reforms.”

The outcome of these elections will demonstrate how much of the October 2019 spirit remains and how much its original demands for social justice still resonate with ordinary Chileans to inspire a good turnout in favour of change. 

For the left it’s a leap of faith that could also signal voter intentions ahead of next year’s presidential election (in November 2025).

Hugo Guzman is the editor of El Siglo, the newspaper of the Communist Party of Chile.

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