GIVEN the recent developments both in Parliament and on the streets, we should recall what Georgi Dimitrov said1935.

Fascism was not something “over and above” capitalism — even though that was its claim. Nor was it primarily an expression of the despair of the lower middle class — even though this composed part of its base.

It was: “The open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital.”

It was capitalist and thereby imperialist. It was a strategy of last resort when capitalist rule could be secured in no other way — when finance capital faced an acute economic crisis and needed to attack the working class and seize new sources of super-profits through external aggression.
 
It is in this sense — as a possible tactic of last resort — that our ruling class has always understood the potential role of fascism’s mass political base, mobilised around ideas of national chauvinism and racism that arise and can fester in an imperialist country.
 
It is correct that anti-fascists and anti-racists compare the current situation in 2023 with the 1930s — although there are significant differences. The furore around the government’s use of language brought to the fore by Gary Lineker is justified — it is certainly similar to that used in fascist Germany — invasion, swamping, sexual predators, they are not like us, they are taking our jobs — these are all words and phrases used by fascist parties to this day.
 
The British-Indian communist Rajani Palme Dutt analysed the conditions required for fascism to grow in his 1934 work Fascism and Social Revolution. Some of these are not dissimilar to those present today. Economic stagnation and crisis resulting from the domination of monopoly; the decay of any progressive elements within bourgeois culture; the collapse of economic hope among large sections, the loss of credibility by previously militant social-democratic politics; and sharpening inter-imperialist rivalries.
 
In this vein, we must also recognise that far-right activity has an international dimension: we must oppose it internationally, nationally and locally.
 
We have seen the mass party of organised labour withdraw from the debate, and indeed, move to a position where the argument has been about the technicalities of the Tories’ immigration stance.

The Labour Party’s response, whether they agree or not, has not stopped the anti-migrant protests in our towns and cities. Yes, they will oppose the latest Illegal Migration Bill. But not in a way that unites. The government has used language which is inflammatory as have its MPs and media supporters; that one million people will enter Britain. Small boats are given the same status as economic regeneration.

We know that there are ways to resolve overcrowding in hotels and the need for detention centres, and so does the government. As PCS and Care4Calais have stated in their proposal to the Home Office, have a smart visa system. If agreed, then a full application could be made when in Britain — coming by a safe and legal route. As the Joint Council of Welfare for Immigrants along with over 20 unions have stated — let people work while waiting for their application to be processed.
 
With over 160,000 people waiting for decisions, the government has created a problem which is of its making: Home Office cutbacks, refusing to use smart technology — the aim is to split the working class and divide our movement.
 
Into this already toxic mix, the government’s dispersal policy has resulted in violent protests outside hotels, stirred up by far-right outfits such as Patriotic Alternative. There have been suicides. Forced removals such as in Greenwich. In public meetings such as in Erskine, far-right men have shouted down local women.
 
Protests involving local people are being toxified by the input of far-right outfits. These protests are often large. In Knowsley, for example, anti-racists were kettled in a car park for their own safety.
In Oxford, Laurence Fox was the headline speaker at a protest against a Low Traffic Neighbourhood. In Hull young anti-fascists were chased around the city. Drag queen story times have been picketed by people unwilling to have a dialogue. In Erskine, a provocative message was sent out by the far right.
 
To deal with this, the labour movement must adopt the slogan “we won’t let the far right speak for our communities.” Yes, that means protesting against far-right antics — after all, we support no-platforming of fascists.

But it also means building community resilience. We cannot wait until something happens — we must act now. We need to use our unions, trades councils, anti-racist, community and faith groups. We should not let local and nationally elected politicians off the hook. Demand their involvement.
 
The riot in Knowsley on February 10 was a wake-up call for anti-racists. But we must be honest: the left has stood by and watched our communities suffer. How else would Britain First gain significant votes in the north-west?
 
People seeking to build a new life in Britain are being targeted by those who want to divide us. They want to undermine and eventually stop the working-class solidarity we have seen during the ongoing strike waves.

The left knows that over 13 years of austerity and real falls in income have hit us hard — it is not people seeking asylum, it is the government and finance capital. Big business has sucked the wealth out of our towns. The government has cut hospital beds, doctors and dental places. Our jobs are insecure and low-paid.
 
Our anger should be directed at the government. The Communist Party calls for unity of the working class. We condemn those who seek to whip up hatred. We must drive out these divisive and destructive right-wing groups from our communities.
 
Unions have a significant role in building such unity. That means organising in non-unionised workplaces and among those in precarious work.
 
The Communist Party, working with our allies, has launched a call for a labour movement campaign for anti-racist immigration and nationality laws.
 
Britain has relied upon and benefited from immigration for centuries and yet governments and their apparatus have chosen to discriminate against immigrant communities and black people for centuries. The labour movement is central to the campaign against racism and discrimination. The labour movement must unite our communities and our class in the months and years ahead.
 
We stand for equality and not discrimination.

We oppose the “hostile environment” and are for the repeal of racist legislation.

We stand for safe and legal routes and are against the outsourcing of Britain’s asylum system to Rwanda or elsewhere.

We call for a reduction in immigration fees.

We oppose people being housed in detention centres and are for people residing in communities with proper support.

We stand for the treatment of people as human beings.
 
We oppose income thresholds as a means to determine immigration and are for fair and equal treatment.

We support the right to work and say asylum-seekers and refugees should have indefinite leave to remain — and access to public funds with faster tracking to nationality.
 
We oppose the revoking of British citizenship and the deportation or removal of those who have citizenship or are at risk and support a proper appeal system. Children without citizenship living in Britain should automatically be given it upon reaching adulthood.

We call for parliamentary scrutiny of any changes to immigration and nationality laws and for the police and Home Office to be stripped of discretionary powers. The Windrush Scheme is not fit for purpose and must be revamped and made accessible.
 
Tony Conway is vice-chair of the Communist Party of Britain and is its anti-racist anti-fascist lead.