The charter emerged from a profoundly democratic process where people across South Africa answered ‘What kind of country do we want?’ — but imperial backlash and neoliberal compromise deferred its deepest transformations, argues RONNIE KASRILS

ALONG with some 140 countries, Mexico voted at the UN to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
But along with most of Latin America, Africa and Asia, it has no plans to impose sanctions: to do so would violate the same principle of sovereignty and non-intervention.
Neither will Mexico impose censorship on RT or any other Russian media: its respect for media freedom is absolute.
So when on March 10 the European Parliament saw fit to condemn Mexico for “attacks on media freedom and journalists,” the response was direct, immediate and categorical.
A communique of the Mexican presidency declared: “Enough of corruption, lies and hypocrisy! […] You, European MPs, should understand that Mexico is no longer a conquered land and as very rarely in its history, is now promoting the libertarian principle of freedom and democracy…”
Mexico, says the declaration, does not send arms to any country “as you are doing now” — that they are nobody’s colony and “you should leave behind your interventionist mania disguised as good intentions … You are not the world government.”
President Amlo, who wrote the statement personally, described the MEPs as “sheep” for having, in his view, voted as instructed without even really understanding the resolution.
The European resolution draws attention to the real problem of journalists being murdered in Mexico, but completely ignores the very real efforts of Amlo’s government to address the problem which was inherited from the systematic corruption and repression of the previous regime.
It also wrongly links the assassinations — almost invariably of local independent journalists investigating corruption where they live — to the federal authorities, who are now absolutely committed to protecting human rights.
Amlo and his team are well aware of ongoing problems of intimidation and bribery of local officials by organised crime, which is why he is vigorously promoting the new National Guard (trained in human rights) and investigative work by officials from the Interior Ministry.
This is why, in all the lamentable cases of journalist assassinations in recent months, there have been rapid arrests of suspects.
A very different matter is the European criticism of Amlo for using “populist rhetoric … to denigrate and intimidate independent journalists, media owners and activists.”
What they refer to here are the president’s responses to unceasing attacks by billionaire media barons and right-wing pundits that he justifiably denounces as “mercenaries” at the service of a corrupt national and international oligarchy.
It should be stated categorically that not a single one of the journalists murdered in Mexico worked for the privileged mainstream media.
It is not accidental that such a condemnation of Amlo should come just when Mexico is promoting an electricity reform which will reinforce public control of energy generation and distribution, preventing further abuse by multinationals like Iberdrola and Repsol of Spain.
The Mexican reform will also guarantee national public ownership and development of the country’s strategic lithium deposits.
Much to the chagrin of the oligarchic media, just two days after Amlo’s dramatic statement he was touring a hydroelectric complex in Chiapas accompanied by Foreign Secretary Marcelo Ebrard (there had been speculation that Ebrard might disagree) and by the US ambassador.
Questioned on the subject on March 14, Amlo declared that the intemperate exchange with the European Parliament was not even a diplomatic matter but a political one, indeed a case of “cheap politicking” by the Europeans.
Amlo has also made it clear that Mexico will continue with its active regional diplomacy, announcing plans to visit Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Belize and Cuba in May.
This tour is directly related to Mexico’s proposal, presented some months ago to Washington, for a joint Central American development programme as a more positive response to the migration crisis.
The Mexican proposal entails extending two of Amlo’s key welfare programmes — the Sowing Life agroforestry scheme and the Young People Building the Future apprenticeship scheme — to these neighbouring countries.
Mexico has already begun implementing these schemes in the neighbouring countries following agreements with their governments.
The US agreed in principle to finance their implementation on a larger scale, but has yet to follow through on the offer.
This generous Mexican aid is of course not reported in the mainstream media, so must surely be reported by alternative outlets.
Amlo has also just received a very warm letter of friendship from President Alberto Fernandez of Argentina, inviting him to visit the Southern Cone countries, something which the Mexican president may very well undertake at a later date.
This would also be in accord with his strong commitment to regional integration which he has once again reaffirmed.
David Raby is a retired academic and independent researcher on Latin America. He can be reached at rabylda@riseup.net and on Twitter @DLRaby.

DAVID RABY reports on the progressive administration in Mexico, which continues to overcome far-left wreckers on the edges of a teaching union, the murderous violence of the cartels, the ploys of the traditional right wing, and Trump’s provocations


