EARLIER this month, the 20th Latin America Conference convened under the looming shadow of the new Trump administration.
 
On February 8, hundreds gathered at Hamilton House to learn about the region’s resilience in the face of fresh challenges: thousands deported to Mexico, Guatemala, and Colombia, trade tariffs imposed on Mexico, and renewed threats against Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua.
 
The event featured over 55 speakers, including diplomats, academics, politicians, trade unionists, and activists, who participated in more than 20 seminars and three plenary sessions.
 
I had the privilege of speaking alongside renowned figures such as Dr Aleida Guevara, Vijay Prashad, and the Cuban ambassador to Britain Her Excellency Ismara Mercedes Vargas Walter, discussing the importance of unity in the face of external pressures and Cuba’s fight for self-determination.
 
A decade after the restoration of diplomatic relations under Raul Castro and Barack Obama, Cuba faces renewed challenges as another Trump presidency reintroduces a policy of “maximum pressure.” With hardliners in the White House focused squarely on Cuba, what can the island nation anticipate in the coming years? Furthermore, how can the international solidarity movement enhance its support for Cuba during this precarious and tumultuous period?
 
From the outset of his first presidency, it was clear that Trump was going to depart from the diplomatic thaw initiated by Obama, reversing many Obama-era policies within a few short months. He surrounded himself with the likes of John Bolton as national security adviser, who coined the phrase “axis of evil” while part of the Bush administration in 2002.

With his sights set on Latin America, Bolton turned his rhetorical bombast to coin the “Troika of Tyranny” to refer to Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua. With this attitude, the Trump administration was set on tightening to sanctions regime.
 
By returning Cuba to the state sponsors of terrorism list and reintroducing 243 new sanctions, Trump hardened US policy with profound impacts.
 
By mid-January 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo threatened to activate Title III of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996. This provision grants US nationals with claims to property nationalised in Cuba after the revolution the right to sue individuals or entities “trafficking” in that property through US courts.
 
Loaded terms such as “trafficking,” “confiscated,” and “expropriated” were frequently used to undermine the legitimacy of Cuba’s post-revolution nationalisations, despite these actions being carried out in accordance with international norms, including offers of compensation offers that US interests rejected on the advice of their own government.
 
For 23 years, Title III had been consistently suspended by presidential decree every six months, including three times under Trump. However, Pompeo’s announcement in early 2019 signalled a shift, reducing the suspension period to just 45 days. This ultimately led to the enactment of Title III in May 2019, marking a significant escalation in US policy toward Cuba.
 
Just days before Trump was sworn back in earlier this year, Joe Biden reinstated the six-month suspension of Title III and announced the removal of Cuba from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism as one of his final official acts.
 
This should be viewed with deep scepticism. Throughout his presidency, he had the power to alleviate the suffering of the Cuban people but deliberately chose not to.

His decision to remove them from the list was not driven by humanitarian concerns but rather a strategic manoeuvre to create a diplomatic challenge for his successor, Trump. Indeed, in March 2020 while campaigning for the presidency, Biden vowed to “promptly reverse the failed Trump policies that have inflicted harm on the Cuban people.” Yet, once in office, these promises were swiftly abandoned without explanation.
 
Now, Trump is back, and within the first two weeks of his second term, the State Department took decisive action to rescind the last-minute policy changes announced by the Biden administration. With a government full of hardliners, we can expect diplomatic relations to harden once again.
 
Cuba is not seeking favours from other nations, only that the right its right to self-determination be respected, a principle that resonates deeply with the cause of Welsh independence and the politics of my party, Plaid Cymru.
 
But despite the annual condemnations of the US blockade at the UN general assembly, meaningful change remains elusive.
 
But no matter how hopeless the situation may feel, we must continue the fight together. In Wales, we have a saying born from a song: “Er gwaethaf pawb a phopeth, r’yn ni yma o hyd” — in spite of everyone and everything, we are still here.
 
And this enduring spirit of resilience also finds resonance with the story of Cuba, which is marked by the extraordinary resilience of its people and the solidarity they receive from communities around the world.
 
It reminds us that the struggles we face — no matter how daunting — are not fought in vain. History has shown that perseverance, solidarity, and courage can overcome even the greatest obstacles, a truth echoed in the words of those who have dedicated their lives to the fight for justice for the Cuban people.
 
As the late Bob Crow, former general secretary of RMT and a staunch friend of Cuba, once wisely stated: “If you fight, you won’t always win. If you don’t fight, you will always lose.”