IT IS SAID that every crisis gives rise to an opportunity, and there can be no doubt that we are in the midst of multiple crises, both at home and internationally — the rise of the far right, war in Europe, genocide In Gaza, climate disaster, starvation, dangerous leaders and chronic instability. Political crises wherever we look.

Following decades of Tory rule, we have the most appalling excuse of a government, led by a Prime Minister and Labour leader who must rank as one of the worst, most dishonest, we have seen.

Labour has attacked pensioners, the disabled, the poor, failed to tackle poverty and inequality while fawning at the feet of Donald Trump, enabled genocide, and super-charged racism by aping Reform’s grotesque attacks on migrants and refugees. They must be replaced, as a matter of urgency.

Given all this, where then is the opportunity?

Never has the need for a radical socialist party of the working class been more pressing. We have a once-in-a-generation opportunity to build that party, our time has come — but are we up to the task?

Early signs were good; 800,000 sign-ups in only a few weeks after the announcement that Your Party was to launch. It was a tremendous sign, on a scale not seen before, that people were crying out for a socialist alternative to cuts, privatisation, austerity, inequality, racism and war. Hundreds of thousands saw Your Party as exactly the type it claimed to be — one offering a real alternative to endemic instability and crisis.

The rise of Reform, the timidity of our trade unions in confronting Labour’s attacks, the outrage of seeing 150,000 people on our streets at the behest of Tommy Robinson, addressed by the billionaire, Elon Musk, gross inequality, crumbling public services, poverty and lack of hope. But the signs of resistance and opposition were there too, not least in the amazing Gaza mobilisations, led so well by the pro-Palestine movement.

All this and more led many people to say, “Yes, I want to build a party that will challenge and change society, one rooted in community and workplace struggle, made up of principled campaigners not career politicians.”

But then — the reality — leadership struggles, cliques, power plays, briefing the millionaire press, legal threats. This does not represent a new politics, but the worst form of backroom stitch-ups and skullduggery, rooted in the methods of centralised control and personality politics that has plagued the left for far too long.

Is it all to be thrown away?

We must say No. Our task, is to ensure that we can give hope, build the party we need, mobilise in communities, unions and society to challenge the wrongs in the here and now, and to build a party that can win in elections to come.

We must learn from and not repeat the mistakes and failings of the left in past decades. We must mobilise in our tens of thousands and convince millions. We must look outwards and be able to speak to and convince the working class in their communities and workplaces. It means relating to them and their issues, not lecturing them about things that do not reflect the majority of people’s experiences.

This means economic radicalism, socialist solutions, redistribution of wealth, rebuilding public services, opposing all cuts, privatisation and austerity policies. Class politics, not identity politics must be at the very core of our strategy to change society. We must unite a broad movement, not divide it by presenting a purity programme made up of a long list of demands which seek to attract the already committed core of left-wing activists rather than appeal to the whole of the working class. This failed approach is not only a gift to the right but also alienates the very people we need to win.

The priorities of small sectarian groups, who themselves bear much responsibility for the alienation of the wider working class from the left, and whose size and records speak for themselves, cannot be allowed to dominate Your Party. If so, we will fail.

Everything should be on the table for discussion as we move forward, but a plea, this must be open, fraternal and comradely — no heresy hunting, no deplatforming, none of that intolerance that has driven so many people, particularly women campaigning for their sex-based rights, away from the existing left.

The need for real democracy, not imaginary or performative, is paramount. In a mass movement, participatory, deliberative democracy is crucial. The balance of one member one vote and representative democracy must not be rushed but carefully debated.

A process can involve large numbers when in reality it is one which stops any real influence of members. Pretending this is democratic must be called out.

OMOV is essential for elections in the new party, but on policy development we need true grassroots democracy, in functioning branches with full membership participation. The way the founding conference in Liverpool is being run is as far from democracy as could be imagined. Legal threats, character assassination, restricting access to membership lists are all unacceptable. So is presenting long detailed documents drawn up in secret by unaccountable individuals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis.

In Wales/Cymru, we have approached it very differently. In October, In Merthyr Tydfil 250 people in person and 100 online founded Your Party Cymru/ The People’s Party Cymru in a different way. We agreed a core set of unifying policies, agreed an interim steering committee of officers plus a convener from every local group to steer us to a founding conference in a year’s time. This to take place after establishing local branches at grassroots level. In the meantime, we will discuss openly our approach to next year’s vital Senedd elections.

Crucially, we agreed this process must truly be a different type of politics, and we would be present in every struggle, campaign and movement: defending migrants, tackling racism, fighting for local services and supporting striking workers. This is how we will build our party and gather the support we need to move forward.

Our meeting did throw up some questions and issues that we, and Your Party at a British level, need to consider carefully.

Where we disagree, how do we ensure openness and acceptance of differing views? How do we ensure small amounts of vocal and organised people from small left groups do not dominate and put people off? How do we involve and welcome trade unions or, more importantly, their members? We cannot become Labour Mark 2, pretending trade union leaders wielding a large block vote is democratic. We need trade union members getting involved at local level, ensuring their workplace struggles and experiences can be brought into the development of this movement. 

We have the opportunity of a lifetime to intervene and build a movement that can change society, both at home and internationally. One which will embrace the struggle for justice, wealth redistribution, opposition to militarism and war. One which fights for equality and opposes discrimination and racism wherever it raises its head.

The stakes are enormous, a new type of politics is required, not a repetition of past failures and mistakes.