THE commentary on the SNP leadership has often been surreal, not just by the so-called mainstream media, but our political opponents. The idea that Nicola Sturgeon’s resignation means that the game is up and the support for the SNP will automatically fall, remains to be tested.

Certainly, the thinking that SNP voters will fall into the loving arms of the British Labour Party with their muscular, hard-line unionism in Scotland (and curiously, Northern Ireland) is suspect. Indeed, the main priority of British Labour appears to be an all-out crusade against its own left, ensuring left candidates are not selected or are removed from the membership.

Any candidate displaying even a soft position on the constitution, for example, saying that it is perfectly acceptable for there to be a referendum, has a chance of less than zero to be on a ballot paper come election time. Current polling shows that Labour is increasing support overwhelmingly on the backs of Tory switchers, reflecting its own move to the right.

There remains a staggering complacency both in Scotland and Britain, with assumptions that the next general election is already won.

Having crashed the economy under Liz Truss, the Tories are meanwhile engaging in a culture war, placing the blame on everyone else for the problems facing us. Refugees, the poor and the LGBT community are used as scapegoats.

The leadership contest over the next few weeks gives the SNP the opportunity to press the reset button on several areas to maintain and grow electoral support. The simple fact is that there is an awareness that we, like others, must earn support and trust, every single time.

The first area is to ensure good governance. Consistent polling demonstrates that support for the SNP and independence is linked to how people feel the Scottish government and public services are being run.

This must include a commitment that local government no longer receives the brown end of the stick. There requires to be a reset of relationships with local government leaders and local government trade unions. The Scottish government had to roll back on Kate Forbes’ announcement, before her maternity leave, that there would be a five-year freeze in funding, and rightly so. The notion that local authorities are sitting on a plentiful supply of contingency funds is nonsense.

Good governance also requires ideas to tackle the cost-of-living crisis affecting our communities. Expanding universal childcare will assist low-income families who face upfront costs and will help parents back into employment. Ideas on energy and ensuring the state takes an equity stake in the next Scotwind leasing round and a “just transition” are crucial to the people of Scotland.

Secondly, the contest requires ideas around internal reform. The party needs proper complaints processes and requires improving membership engagement so that everyone feels they have a stake in decision-making. This will be pivotal in developing our next stages to campaign for independence, but also to lean more on members’ areas of expertise. National councils and regional assemblies must be established to give activists their say in how the party is being run by its office bearers.

Thirdly, the contest allows the party to restate the case for independence. For too long the debate has been stifled by process and personality assaults and allowed the focus to shift away from why Scotland needs independence, not just for political, but economic, social, and industrial reasons.

Support for independence has always traditionally come from the grassroots upwards and setting the space to allow members a say on how we first build support and how we get there will provide the movement with the confidence to make the case on the doorsteps.

Support for independence according to polling increases to over 60 per cent when the case is allied to a wellbeing economy. The case must be made that independence is tied with a fair work agenda, ensuring new jobs are good jobs, paying fair wages and the highest standards of workplace protections. The wellbeing economy must set out how we meet Scotland’s climate ambitions and enhance climate resilience in a just and fair way.

A recent analysis by the right-wing Institute for Fiscal Studies has already stated that Scotland’s use of its limited tax and benefits policies has widened the gap between Scotland and Britain on higher taxes and more redistribution to poorer families.

Lastly, the leadership candidates must be evaluated on how they protect Scotland’s Parliament from consistent attacks from the current Tory government. The use of Section 35 on Gender Recognition Reform is a classic example of a Westminster government not engaging with devolved administrations and setting an “on high” approach to devolution.

Tackling the culture war on human rights must be resisted, and the candidates must set out how these rights will be protected in Scotland in the face of such attacks. The disgusting language recited in the house of Commons, which would not look out of place at an EDL rally, should not become part of the political discourse in our movement or our country.

These are just some of the issues that must be addressed over the coming weeks. There is only one candidate so far demonstrating both the leadership and policy commitments to keep the SNP as a progressive movement of change: that candidate is Humza Yousaf and that is why I shall be voting for him when I receive my ballot next week.

Chris Stephens is MP for the Glasgow South West. Twitter: @ChrisStephens.