ON MARCH 5, the Chinese National People’s Congress (NPC) adopted not one but 21 important constitutional amendments, bolstering anti-corruption laws and the party’s leadership.
Xi Jinping might be asked to continue his presidency after his second term in 2023, but the emphasis is on Xi’s definition of socialism for China.
There is much more to the constitutional adaptations voted by the NPC than the abolition of presidential term limits, the only thing Western media seems to be really interested in.
No doubt there are people in China who fear that the opportunity for a president to remain in power longer will damage the distribution of power and current collective leadership.
The overwhelming majority of party members and citizens who appear to be in favour of the new constitution are concentrating on the advantages of having a head of state like Xi Jinping. Strong leadership seems especially welcomed by farmers and migrant workers.
At home China is confronted with complicated problems, such as cutting industrial overcapacities and fighting pollution, corruption and the emergence of alternative power bases in some private companies and even within the military.
Geopolitically, the country faces the threat of a new cold war or a trade war with the US and a specific antagonistic political lobby in the EU.
It may be difficult to foretell how those situations will evolve in five years time, but, with Xi, China is arguably holding the necessary cards to cope with the most thorny questions.
China’s party leader and president has shown distinct Marxist convictions and strong governing capacities. Xi is leading China’s rejuvenation and the trend towards staggering technical innovation.
Under his government, China has become a pacemaker of rising Brics countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).
China introduced the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, especially to support the Belt and Road Initiative to extend infrastructure and interconnectedness across Eurasia and Africa and drive world development. This historic project for economic, peaceful co-operation between the continents will mark Xi’s era.
Arguments abound for making a continued Xi leadership possible though not necessarily inevitable, but there are also reasons why the other new and changed articles of the Chinese constitution deserve attention.
Twenty-one have been adopted, four of them in the preamble, seventeen in the main text. Moreover a new chapter has been added.
The most important amendments are about anti-corruption, the party and the ruling principles of China’s social order.
When Western commentators allege that Chinese parliament “sets Xi Jinping up to rule for life,” this is at the very least an inaccurate and biased exaggeration.
On the other hand, when the same opinion makers think that “there is no mystery as to the direction in which Xi wants to take the country,” they may be more right than they realise themselves.
China lists Supervisory Commissions as a new type of state organ in its constitution, described in a totally new chapter.
Those commissions will not only supervise party members but also all officials, including those working for the state. They will have the advantage of a great deal of independence, as commission members will be prohibited from combining this function with membership of leading party and government committees on all levels.
Xi and other party leaders demand that officials “never indulge themselves, never cross the line … and improve immunity to corruption.”
China is governed by a triumvirate system of party, military and government. Constitutional change aims to strengthen the party within the government.
The leading role of the Communist Party is transferred from the preamble of the constitution to the text itself. This means that the socialist character of China’s constitution is emphasised more.
The distinction with the liberal constitutions of other countries will be more concrete. China unambiguously states that the “fundamental for socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leading role of the Communist Party.”
Logically, cadres will be asked to “safeguard the authority and leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) central committee and to implement the party’s lines, principles and policies, and decisions by the CPC central committee.”
There will be strong appeals for them to remain loyal to their political ideals and convictions, for serving the people and delivering the promise of a better life for the people.
China writes building “a community with a shared future for humanity” into its constitution. This will become one of the most important aspects of China’s state policy.
Two sets of principles will be constitutionalised — Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and Hu Jintao’s Scientific Outlook on Development.
Those thoughts are considered to be achievements in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context. They summarise the practical experiences not of a single person but of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the people.
They are seen by Chinese communists as collective wisdom, adapting the country’s guiding theories to our time. Xi’s thoughts and Hu’s scientific outlook will be added to the other doctrines in the constitution — Marxism-Leninism and important thoughts of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.
Adopting Xi’s analysis does not imply a ban of criticism on his person. After all, Mao thought remaining in the constitution has not prevented the party from harshly judging elements of Mao’s ideology and of his policy.
Marxism-Leninism and Chinese leaders’ thoughts are enshrined in the constitution as guiding principles of China’s social order, just as the sanctity of private property is mentioned as a guiding principle in a number of Western constitutions.
More than ever the Communist Party will urge its members and other officials to respect the constitution and exercise their duties within its boundaries.
That’s why a number of requirements for a truly, modern socialist society with Chinese characteristics will have a prominent place in that very constitution.