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Liverpool’s elite Athenaeum asked to confront its slave trade past
Behind a progressive historical facade, this prestigious institution is partly built on the wealth of slave traders, writes LAURENCE WESTGAPH, calling for the private members club to engage with its history honestly

I AM a community activist and historian of slavery. Five years ago, before the events that followed the tragic death of George Floyd, I founded the Liverpool Black History Research Group (LBHRG). Unlike many scholarly entities, LBHRG operates outside the confines of academia.
 
Rooted in the Liverpool 8 community, our collective comprises dedicated community researchers and activists. Our mission is to challenge institutions, correct misleading narratives about slavery, and raise awareness of the significant role the slave economy played in Liverpool’s growth. Ultimately, we seek to secure reparations for these historical injustices.
 
Over the years, we have spearheaded several projects, challenging the City Council, two universities, and a major bank to reveal their ties to slavery. Our latest project scrutinises the Liverpool Athenaeum, the city’s oldest private members’ club, founded in 1797.
 
Recently, we released our Phase One findings, which reveal that over 50 per cent of its founding shareholders had connections to the slave trade. This revelation casts a long shadow over the Athenaeum’s prestigious history, demanding a critical re-evaluation of its narrative.
 
The Athenaeum was established by selling shares at 10 guineas each, fostering an image of exclusivity and influence. However, recent controversies surrounding allegations of racism within its membership underscore the need to confront the true historical context of its founders.
 
Our research meticulously examines the first 250 shareholders, aiming to uncover their ties to the slave economy. This comprehensive investigation is divided into two phases: the first focuses on direct connections to the slave trade, while the next will examine indirect ties, such as trading in slave-produced goods or supplying materials used in the trade.
 
Our initial findings are stark: 90 out of the 250 shareholders (36 per cent) had direct ties to the slave trade. These included members of elite slave-trading families like the Aspinalls, Earles, Gregsons, Heywoods, and Gladstones.

Of these, 57 were already established in the slave trade upon joining the Athenaeum, while 33 began their involvement afterwards. This suggests that discussions and connections made within its walls may have encouraged other proprietors to pursue fortunes in the trade of enslaved people.
 
Additionally, 37 shareholders (14.8 per cent) were identified as direct descendants of slave traders, further entrenching the club’s connection to this abhorrent trade. Among the 22 officers on the first committee, 11 had direct connections to the slave trade, with two more being descendants of slave traders.

George Case, the club’s first president, was a prolific slave trader, responsible for over 140 slave voyages that transported over 45,000 Africans to be enslaved on plantations.
 
It is important to stress that these findings represent the least case scenario and may increase as research continues. Our project also identifies a small number of shareholders who held abolitionist sympathies, suggesting their influence was clearly overshadowed by the majority who had vested interests in maintaining the slave trade.

The case of Reverend John Yates, who despite expressing abolitionist views maintained secret business ties to the slave trade, exemplifies this contradiction.
 
The Athenaeum’s website is silent on this troubling history, instead opting to highlight the following abolitionist narrative: “Early proprietors played a major role in the national movement to abolish slavery.”
 
Our findings starkly contrast with this claim, revealing the deep-rooted connections many of its founding members had to the slave trade. We are now calling for a reassessment of the club’s historical narrative and an honest engagement with its past.
 
These revelations highlight a profoundly difficult aspect of Liverpool’s history, often overshadowed by more palatable abolitionist narratives.

The Athenaeum must engage openly and honestly with these findings, advocating for inclusivity and reparative justice. By fostering open dialogue, educational initiatives, and a commitment to learning from the past, the club can set an example for others to follow.
 
Our findings, along with those from previous projects, compel Liverpool to confront a dark chapter of its history and question long-held narratives. By bringing these truths to light, LBHRG is paving the way for a more inclusive and honest understanding of the city’s past.

The Athenaeum, with its influential history, is uniquely positioned to lead by example in this necessary process of reconciliation and education. Only by acknowledging and understanding our history can we hope to build a more just and equitable future.
 
For more detailed findings and information on the Liverpool Black History Research Group’s previous projects, visit www.lbhrg.com.

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