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The mainstreaming of the far right and its impact on women

Amid national economic decay and with a lack of coherent left-wing responses, far-right narratives on women’s safety and immigration have taken root in former Labour heartlands. The WOMEN’S LIBERATION ALLIANCE warns that only a renewed politics rooted in an understanding of class, race and sex can stem the rise of authoritarianism

People take part in a Stand Up To Racism counter protest during a protest by people attending a Save Our Future & Our Kids Futures protest outside the Cladhan Hotel in Falkirk, which is housing asylum seekers, September 21, 2025

THE ascent of right-wing politics in north-east England has not been unexpected. The riots of 2024 in the region prompted the publication of a report that underscored the lack of support for women and children both during and after the unrest.

Activists and black women’s organisations collaborated to document the consequences, revealing ongoing issues such as violence, exclusion and racism. Meanwhile, anti-immigration protests persist in Newcastle. The affected areas have historically been Labour strongholds — working-class communities managed by Labour councils.

The worsening cost-of-living crisis, which has been escalating since 2008, was exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. The north-east experienced some of the country’s worst health outcomes during this period. Furthermore, the region has been systematically stripped of infrastructure: community developments, youth clubs and health projects have disappeared, with even basics such as leisure centres and libraries vanishing. The streets are visibly neglected.

Consequently, these formerly “red wall” constituencies have shifted their support towards Reform UK and its anti-immigration stance, which is beginning to have a tangible effect.

Weaponisation of violence against women and girls

Both the religious right and the far right have exploited violence against women and girls to serve their agendas. The far right has appropriated the discourse around protecting women and girls, stoking fears among many parents.

This approach has proven effective, as people claim they are not racist but are merely seeking to safeguard their families. This manipulation has resulted in significant numbers of women joining far-right demonstrations and these demonstrations often adopt slogans originally used by the women’s movement.

Similarly, the religious right uses these moments to reinforce patriarchal control by asserting that women should remain at home for their safety, which can ironically increase the risk of domestic abuse and gender-based violence. In interviews, women reported that confinement to the home during such times, often not at the instruction of the police but due to community pressure, heightened their vulnerability.

A crucial development has been the mainstreaming of far-right rhetoric. Decades ago, figures such as Enoch Powell were relegated to the political fringes for espousing such views. In contrast, contemporary mainstream politicians — including the current Prime Minister — have adopted language around immigration and identity that echoes these far-right themes. This shift demonstrates how racism and anti-immigration sentiment have become normalised within mainstream politics.

Challenges in framing responses: solidarity and division

Current responses to the far right and to racism lack attempts at building solidarity or forming alliances between working-class white communities and migrant and minoritised groups. There is now a noticeable fracture and increased sectarianism within minority communities; some minoritised individuals are even aligning with the far right.

This situation underscores both the extent and the limitations of identity politics and highlights the need for mobilisation around shared political values, with an analysis of class, race and sex at the centre.

The fact that increasing numbers of women and minoritised people are joining the far right highlights this. The lack of relevant political analysis and open dialogue about these trends makes forming effective responses more difficult.

Failures of the left and the need for reclaimed narratives

The left has failed to offer a compelling counter-narrative to that of the far right, in part because it has focused on gender rather than sex, leaving it ill-equipped to address the far right’s agenda around the family, women’s rights and gender politics.

The left’s response to the biggest issues raised by the slide to the right is often reduced to labelling the opposition as racist, without tackling the substantive issues or slogans that resonate with working-class communities keen for a rationale to explain the decline in their environment.

In part, this lack of coherence from the left has allowed the far right to “steal” the issue of women’s safety, which has become a rallying cry for their movement, justifying both violent rage against immigrant people and appearing to rally against the idea of violence against women and girls.

Notably, there have been attempts by women’s groups — such as recent demonstrations in Glasgow — to craft new slogans and agendas distinct from the far right. However, the left generally continues to focus on statistical rebuttals, such as highlighting the criminal records of far-right figures, without effectively contesting their main slogans around family and safety.

The mainstream left, including Labour councils, have at times been complicit in cover-ups of exploitation and violence against women, often influenced by religious or patriarchal community leaders. This complicity further erodes trust and blurs the boundaries of what constitutes “the left,” which now encompasses a broad spectrum of views, some indistinguishable from the right. Poor handling of high-profile cases publicly labelled “grooming gangs” when involving Muslim men in Bradford (but viewed as an institutional crisis of the church when priests are involved), entrenches the stark double standards at play.

The decline of trust in public institutions

There is an evident decline in trust towards public institutions, including the NHS, police and local authorities, due to consistent evidence of institutional racism, sexism and a lack of effective protection for women and black people both as staff and citizens.

This environment fosters narratives about vulnerable women needing protection, which the right exploits by emphasising traditional family roles and portraying women as inherently vulnerable, weak and at risk.

These dynamics reinforce right-wing arguments about the necessity of strong, traditional family structures, which appeal to both working- and middle-class communities. The left, meanwhile, has proved unable to offer an alternative vision.

The shifting political landscape

The Labour Party has moved rightwards in response to the far-right rhetoric within the Conservative Party over decades, resulting in the dilution of left-wing opposition in the corridors of power. As a result, the Labour Party has lost its distinct identity, ceding ground to right-wing rhetoric even within its own ranks. Recent breakaway parties often exacerbate these problems rather than offering solutions.

Trade unions have not been immune to these trends, struggling with sexism and a lack of effective focus on either race or women’s issues. Nevertheless, there are examples of effective mobilisation, particularly among women, drawing on the kinds of arguments and models discussed in recent reports and trade union political education courses.

Disseminating clear, class-based analysis and preserving these insights for wider circulation offers hope for progress. The problems described are not unique to Britain but are echoed across Europe, the US and India — signalling a broader drift towards authoritarianism and the weaponisation of anti-immigration, macho, protectionist narratives.

Conclusion

Given the mainstreaming of far-right ideas and the erosion of trust in traditional left-wing parties and institutions, there is an urgent need to develop a new, articulate analysis rooted in class, race and sex, and to build solidarity across fractured communities. Only through such efforts can effective responses be crafted to address the challenges posed by rising authoritarianism and the manipulation of social issues for political gain. The WLA has a crucial and unique role to play in this respect.

The WLA is clear that it is dishonest to use immigration, violence or race as a focus for political resolution to economic disparities. Instead, we must analyse the real reasons for the cost-of-living crisis and the decline of our increasingly privatised public services — housing, transport, health, education, security.

Identity politics works to atomise, minimise and make individualise social, political and economic struggles. The WLA understands this to be part of the problem. Only in solidarity and with an understanding that resistance to class exploitation and women’s oppression is what must bind us, especially during the harshest times, can we expect to defeat the far right and build a world in which private greed is replaced by public need.

The WLA is hosting an online event, Violence Against Women and the Mainstreaming of the Far Right, with speakers Pragna Patel, Mary Davis and Rosie Lewis, and chaired by Charlie Weinberg. To join the event visit https://tinyurl.com/WLAVAW. For more information about WLA visit www.womensliberationalliance.org.uk.

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