ISRAEL’S illegal and unprovoked bombing of Iran, killing military leaders, scientists and numerous other civilians, puts us on the brink of catastrophic conflict.

An attack on this scale would be treated as an act of war by any country. Nor is the Israeli strike a one-off: besides its long record of murdering scientists and bombing diplomatic premises, its strikes on Iranian territory are ongoing, with the overnight bombing of Tehran being followed up by daytime strikes on Tabriz, Shiraz and other cities.

The British government’s calls for restraint are grossly inadequate. The aggressor is Israel and its conduct puts us all at risk. Its attack on Iran must not just be unequivocally condemned: the already overwhelming case for a halt to military co-operation and arms supplies has become more urgent.

Its formal excuse for attacking Iran is illegitimate. Suspicion that Iran might be close to developing nuclear weapons is not grounds for attacking it. Only an imperialist mindset can hold the possession of such weapons by some states acceptable and by others not: and Iran has nothing like Israel’s record of routine attacks on its neighbours. The dangerous and destabilising power in the Middle East is Israel. Besides, those in Iran who say nuclear weapons are their only safeguard against attack will be strengthened today.

Could we be drawn in? Easily. Britain is already directly involved in Israel’s wars. It has bombed Yemen and conducted intelligence-sharing RAF flights over Gaza. It supplies a military committing genocide. It is not illogical for actors in the region to see Israeli allies like Britain and the US as directly culpable for its actions, especially given US President Donald Trump’s hints he is behind the attack.

The Israeli government, if indulged, will continue to escalate its aggression in the Middle East.

In the 20 months since its genocidal war on Gaza began, it has also invaded both Lebanon and Syria, and ratcheted up violence and ethnic cleansing in the occupied West Bank.

It unilaterally ripped up a ceasefire with Hamas in March, giving the lie to claims its war is aimed at securing the return of hostages (something the families of hostages held in Gaza recognise, hence their regular presence at protests against Benjamin Netanyahu’s government).

Domestic opponents of Netanyahu accuse him of artificially extending the war because when it ends he may need to face the voters and the courts: this may contain some truth.

But Israel’s ever wider war has deeper roots. As its leaders have made clear for years, they have no intention of honouring international commitments to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state.

Nor of allowing Palestinians, whether citizens of Israel or not, equal rights: the trajectory is in the opposite direction, with the 2018 Nation State Law formalising the subordinate status of Israeli Arabs and current legislation setting the stage for disenfranchising the sizeable Arab minority through barring their political parties, including the only Israeli party with both Jewish and Arab membership — the Communist Party — from running in elections.

The “greater Israel” demanded by its far-right government involves expanding Israeli territory to include the whole of historic Palestine (and in some visions beyond) and excluding the Palestinians from the state being forged: at the least politically, but physical extermination is a method too.

Ethnic cleansing on such a scale is impossible except in conditions of total war. Hence Israel’s constant belligerence, sabotaging of peace talks, and bids to start bigger conflicts.

That has to inform our campaigning here. We learned this week Britain is still training Israeli soldiers: that has to stop.

And besides the immediate calls for an arms embargo and an end to military co-operation, the case for a wider cultural and commercial boycott is now overwhelming. The apartheid state must be isolated, British support for it made domestically untenable.

Without sustained external pressure, the murder and mayhem will only get worse.