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India’s ‘emergency’ never ended: it went global

As India drops from a ‘free’ to ‘partially free’ democracy and its 200 million Muslims face targeted violence, HARSEV BAINS traces the path from the ‘emergency’ and Sanjay Gandhi’s 1975 forced sterilisations to Modi’s autocracy today

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi speaks at a public rally after inaugurating Vande Bharat Express train which will run between Katra and Srinagar, in Katra, India, June 6, 2025

AS INDIA marks 50 years since Indira Gandhi’s emergency, the Modi-led crackdown on dissent, press, and minorities reflects not just a national crisis but a global one. From Trump’s US to Netanyahu’s Israel and Starmer’s “island of strangers,” the world’s democracies are facing a co-ordinated rightward drift — where repression no longer needs declaration, only normalisation.

As we approach June 25 2025, we are reminded of a moment in India’s history that posed a grave threat to civil liberties, democratic institutions, and the fundamental freedoms of its citizens: the emergency of 1975.

In 1971, following India’s decisive military intervention in the liberation of Bangladesh, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi — daughter of India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru — was elevated to near-divine status. She was likened to the Hindu goddess Durga, with public adulation surging. The military victory translated into sweeping political success, with the Congress Party winning both central and state elections.

However, the tide turned in 1975. She faced an unexpected political challenge when Raj Narain, her opponent in the Rae Bareilly constituency, filed a case in 1971 alleging electoral malpractice. Four years later, on June 12 1975, the Allahabad High Court under Justice Jagmohan Sinha found her guilty on two counts: using state machinery for campaign purposes and employing a government servant in party work. Her election was annulled, and she was barred from holding public office for six years.

The judgement coincided with a mass anti-corruption movement led by Jayaprakash Narayan, supported by thousands of students and activists calling for Indira’s resignation. With pressure mounting, she turned to her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi, for counsel.

Sanjay rallied Congress supporters and urged his mother to fight back. On June 20, an appeal was filed in the Supreme Court, and that same evening, Indira addressed a defiant rally in Delhi. On the eve of June 25 1975, opposition parties called for nationwide protests.

In response, Indira’s government declared a state of emergency, citing internal disturbances threatening national security. President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed signed the proclamation just before midnight.

For the first time since independence, the fundamental rights of Indian citizens were suspended. Opposition leaders — including Narayan, Morarji Desai, communists, and regional party members — were arrested. Students and activists were imprisoned, tortured, or silenced.

Power supply to the newspaper district in Delhi (akin to Fleet Street) was cut off, and sweeping censorship was imposed on the press. Within two weeks, the government announced a 20-point programme to address poverty, inflation, housing, and unemployment. But true power shifted rapidly into the hands of Sanjay and his Youth Congress loyalists. An extra-constitutional regime was established, where Sanjay’s word often superseded that of elected officials.

A reign of fear followed. In Delhi, slums were bulldozed under the guise of “beautification.” The most horrific policy was the mass forced sterilisation campaign, carried out in the name of family planning — arguably the most painful legacy of the emergency.

With dissent crushed and media silenced, an eerie calm settled across the nation. But international voices, including the BBC, the Indian Workers’ Association, and the Association of Indian Communists, raised the alarm. Stories of repression, mass sterilisation — including of unmarried youth — and state-sponsored terror filtered out.

Initially, some welcomed the emergency for promising law and order. But the illusion faded quickly. Over 110,000 arrests were made. On March 21 1977, Indira — misreading the public mood — called for general elections. The result was a landslide defeat. Both she and Sanjay lost their seats. Desai of the Janata Party became prime minister.

Contemporary India: an undeclared emergency?

50 years on, India faces a different, yet disturbingly familiar threat. While no formal proclamation has been made, many see the post-2014 era under Prime Minister Narendra Modi as an “undeclared emergency.”

India’s democratic standing has sharply declined. The Economist Intelligence Unit ranks India 53rd; Freedom House downgraded the country from a “free” to a “partially free” democracy; and Sweden’s V-Dem Institute classifies India as an “electoral autocracy.” Critics, including the Communist Party of India (Marxist), label the BJP-RSS regime neofascist.

This shift has not occurred overnight. A steady erosion of democratic norms, institutions, and freedoms is underway, often cloaked in the language of nationalism and Hindutva. The over 200 million-strong Muslim population has borne the brunt of targeted violence, discrimination, and hate campaigns, often with tacit or overt support from government figures and a compliant media.

Independent journalism is under siege. Small outlets are shut down, reporters intimidated, and critical voices like Prabir Purkayastha face harassment and imprisonment. Despite legal protections, media freedom is precarious. Billionaire-owned conglomerates dominate narratives, but truth, as during the emergency, cannot be fully buried.

Draconian laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the National Security Act are routinely used to detain dissenters, activists, and academics. “Anti-national” has become a weaponised label to silence criticism. Vigilante groups — often linked to RSS ideology — roam free, enacting mob justice. Their victims: Muslims, Dalits, inter-caste couples, and anyone suspected of “hurting religious sentiments” or consuming beef.

Legislative assaults such as the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens have stoked fear among minorities. The Foreign Contribution Regulation Act has choked civil society’s access to international solidarity and funds. Meanwhile, the BJP garners massive donations through opaque electoral bonds.

India’s constitution — once a beacon of pluralism — is now being tested like never before. The judiciary, once fiercely independent, is now under pressure. Internet blackouts, surveillance, and digital censorship are routinely deployed to stifle dissent.

Yet, resistance continues. The farmers’ protests, anti-CAA demonstrations, and recent electoral outcomes show that the Indian electorate remains vigilant. In 2024, they applied the brakes — albeit temporarily — to the Modi juggernaut.

India’s undeclared emergency: a warning to the world

From silencing dissent to rewriting constitutions, India’s democratic decay mirrors a global authoritarian turn.

The emergency of 1975 was declared, documented, and eventually defeated. Today’s challenge is subtler but no less dangerous. Civil liberties are under threat. Dissent is punished. Minorities are marginalised. Yet, the spirit of democracy still flickers.

History teaches us that freedom, once lost, is hard to reclaim. As we reflect on June 25, we must remain alert to the signs of democratic decline, not only in the past, but in our present.

Harsev Bains is the Liberation education committee chair and national president of the Indian Workers’ Association.

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