In Britain we may have election fever but Europe is going to the polls too — with the far right predicted to do well across the continent in elections to the European Parliament from June 6-9.

With our sister papers Junge Welt of Germany and Arbejderen of Denmark, we compiled a series of articles looking at the nature of the far-right threat across different European countries, of which this is the first. We would like to thank Junge Welt for organising the series and translation.

Italy has been governed by three right-wing parties for one-and-a-half years. Surveys show that the governing coalition has been able to maintain its approval ratings. What is this success based on?

Giuliano Marucci: It is more due to a lack of alternatives. Although there are attempts by the social democrats (Partito Democratico, PD) and the Five Star Movement (M5S), to form an opposition bloc, they do not represent a credible alternative government.
 
Why is that?

Because they have no independence from the diktats of the EU, the European oligarchy and Washington. The more progressive positions of the Five Star Movement would not be able to assert themselves in such a centre-left alliance. At the same time, Giorgia Meloniʼs Fratelli dʼItalia (FdI) has a solid voter base. Although they disagree on some issues, such as the war against Russia, they are ultimately united by their opposition to the old enemy: the “communists” — in other words, anyone who does not fit in with their own political project.
 
What is the composition of this camp?

These are small and medium-sized enterprises, but also banking groups such as Banca Intesa Sanpaolo and Unicredit. Above all, however, it consists of small self-employed people and entrepreneurs who profit from employment in undeclared labour and tax evasion.

It also includes the impoverished petty bourgeoisie that has been left behind by globalisation. If you like, the classic electorate of the alternative right. However, there has been no sign of “alternative” since Meloni took office. It has completely adapted to the Establishment.
 
Meloni has succeeded in being seen as a favoured partner by forging even stronger ties with the US. She can sell herself as the guarantor of a stable government. And as there are no significant counter-models, neither “from below” nor “from above,” she is firmly in the saddle. Whatʼs more, she occasionally appeals to the peopleʼs gut feeling, but at the same time presents herself as so serious and adapted to the system that this does not cause any worries in Brussels or Washington.
 
And how are the roles distributed within the coalition?

Meloniʼs party leads it and is clearly in the tradition of fascism, especially rhetorically. The party members are traditional, conservative rightwingers who cling to the image of Benito Mussolini as the “guardian” of national independence.

Then there is Forza Italia, the party of the late Silvio Berlusconi. It is very business-orientated, and its interests are primarily focused on power politics, such as access to EU funds. And its voters are in favour of national capitalism. Forza is more critical when it comes to the war against Russia as well as the Ukraine policy and views subordination to the international establishment with a certain degree of scepticism.

Third in the group is the Lega. It is close to the US alt-right movement. It was born as a federalist and partly separatist party of the richest part of the country in the north. Its electorate consists mainly of small and medium-sized entrepreneurs in northern Italy. However, this base was largely absorbed by FdI.
 
Does the tradition in which FdI places itself harbour the renewed danger of fascism in power in Italy?

I disagree with this interpretation. The government, or rather the FdI, is in that tradition and is nostalgic. However, it is actually pursuing realpolitik. For me, the danger of the return of fascism was more likely with the social democrats under Matteo Renzi, who organised a constitutional referendum in 2016 that was directed against the republican, anti-fascist constitution.
 
What actual policy has the government implemented so far — and who benefits from it?

Meloni tends to follow the strategy of slowly wearing down modern democracy and the welfare state in order to subordinate the country more and more to the interests of the financial industry.

She did make a few hints, for example that she would oppose the major international players on behalf of the Italian financial system and levy a tax on extra profits. But just one day later, she went back on that.

Meloni was the strongest opponent of Mario Draghiʼs previous government. But now that she is in power herself, she is continuing his policy. She has also made a few electoral gifts, such as the withdrawal of social assistance for the unemployed, the so-called citizenʼs allowance. This was good for her entrepreneurial clientele, as the citizenʼs allowance helped many Italians, especially in the south, in their fight against low wages.

The second election gift is the announcement of a tax reform, the so-called fiscal pact. This favours those who perhaps have an SUV at home and a summer house on the beach, but who could not afford this standard of living if they had to pay higher taxes.
 
Should Meloni fear the trade unions or the left?

The trade unions are against the government and have a large membership, but no political weight. Although [the 6 million-strong trade union federation] CGIL is huge and in part consists of very militant elements, it is not capable of really organising itself and mobilising beyond the local level or formulating a clear political line.

The labour market in Italy is highly precarious and fragmented. Those who are turning against the government are the so-called “centre-left.” In other words, students, young intellectuals, the academic world, the educated middle classes, Italians with middle to high incomes and public-sector employees.

However, they do not represent a majority. And with the state broadcaster Rai, the government has quite a lot of leverage to influence public opinion in its favour.
 
Giuliano Marucci is a journalist in Italy and founder of the left-wing media collective Ottolina TV.

Translated from German to English by Marc Bebenroth.