IN the wake of the election, I have read many insightful and thoughtful assessments of how we have arrived at the point where Donald Trump was re-elected.

I highly recommend the recent scathing essay by my colleague at Marxism-Leninism Today, Chris Townsend (www.bit.ly/MLTelection), on the crying need for an alternative to the two-party charade and the bankruptcy of the Democratic Party as a representative for working people.

But for every good analysis, there are a dozen awful commentaries that ultimately blame the voters’ judgement or endorse their worst fears.

However, if pressed for a simple explanation of the election results, one might consider the following:

Once again, offered the odious, devil’s choice between two candidates who are rich, elitist and completely detached from “ordinary” people, the US voter chose a candidate who was rich, elitist and completely detached from the lives and interests of most people.

Of course, people want to know why the voters chose this particular rich elitist at this particular time. That question calls forth both a specific, practical response and a far deeper, concerning answer.

Polls and disregarded economic data show that most voters have a profoundly negative and often painful relationship with their economic status — they are not doing well. They typically punish incumbents when under economic distress.

This should come as no surprise. But the highly paid consultants of both parties — with approaching two billion dollars to spend — chose to press many other issues as well and deal with the economy only superficially.

But in the end, exit polls show that economic distress played a decisive role in shaping voters’ choices. Apparently, the pundits forgot how persistent, value-sucking inflation led to the election of Ronald Reagan 44 years ago.

Again, like today, the 1970s were a period of realignment. The Democrats had lost the South to the Republicans over desegregation and the civil rights legislation. After the Nixonian scandals associated with the Watergate burglaries and other dirty tricks, the Democrats won over suburbanites disgusted with Republican chicaneries — a demographic thought by many functionaries to be the needed replacement for the lost South.

In 1976, the Democrats swept in with a squeaky-clean, untarnished candidate, James Carter. With the decade-long stagflation coming to a climax, the Carter regime was short-lived; despite a rightward turn on his part, Carter was beaten by an ultra-right movie star turned politician, Ronald Reagan. Reagan was the default choice for voters wanting change after a lost decade.

For those who like their history repeating from tragedy to farce, consider the transition from the self-righteous old red-baiter, Reagan, to the pompous, supercilious windbag, Trump. History has a wicked sense of humour.

Few pundits acknowledge that Democratic Party strategists decided in the 1980s that the future of the party would be determined by the interests and concerns of metropolitan voters, especially those in the suburban upper-middle stratum who were “super voters,” economically secure and attuned to lifestyle and identity liberalism.

While they represented the legacy of “white flight,” the suburbanites contradictorily espoused the urbanity of tolerance and personal choice.

Coincident with the embrace of the suburban vote, Democratic Party strategists saw no need to attend to past central components of their coalition: the working class and multi-class blacks. Loyal union leaders would corral the working-class vote, and ascendant black leaders would rally African-Americans of all classes.

Besides, it was believed that neither had any other place to go besides the Democratic Party.

Senate majority leader Chuck Schumer revealed this thinking in 2016 when he said: “For every blue-collar Democrat we lose in Western Pennsylvania, we will pick up two moderate Republicans in the suburbs in Philadelphia, and you can repeat that in Ohio and Illinois and Wisconsin.”

Even before that careless remark, both Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama — in moments of candour — revealed their contempt for working people outside of the metropolis.

This election stamped “paid” on this programme, with nearly all the assumed components of the Democratic coalition drifting towards the Republicans.

The always insightful Adam Tooze, writing in the London Review of Books, concludes that the Democratic Party’s failings demonstrate “the high-achieving, insincere, vacuous incoherence that thrives at the top of the US political class.”

There is, however, a far deeper explanation of the Trump phenomenon seldom mentioned by mainstream commentators.

Those who cite the specific issues of abortion rights, immigration, trans rights, crime, racism, etc — issues that indeed played a role in the November election — neglect the fact that Trumpism is part of an international trend that infects the politics of such far-flung countries as India, Japan and Argentina, as well as many European countries for often vastly different reasons.

The rise of right populism in virtually all European countries — Victor Orban’s Hungary, Giorgia Meloni’s Italy, RN in France, AfD in Germany, Vox in Spain, Chega in Portugal, and similar parties in virtually every other European country — share one defining feature with the politics of India’s Narendra Modi and Argentina’s Javier Milei: a rejection of centrist, traditional parties.

Right populism rises as a response to the ineffectiveness of the politics of normality. It reflects the dissatisfaction with business as usual.

For hundreds of millions throughout the world, the 21st century has brought a series of crises eroding, even destroying, their quality of life. Ruling classes have stubbornly refused to address these crises through the indifference of traditional bourgeois political parties.

Voters have punished these parties by turning to opportunist right-populist formations that promise to give voice to their anger. Of course, this often takes the form of ugly, reprehensible claims and slogans — appealing to the basest of motives.

But it is not enough to denounce these backward policies without addressing the desperation that unfortunately popularises those policies. It is not helpful to righteously raise the alarm of “fascism” if we fail to offer an alternative that will answer the hopelessness and misery that serves as the fertile soil for reaction.

From the tragedy of the Reagan election to the farce of the Trump re-election, we have suffered from two sham parties taking turns representing the “people,” while neither did.

Isn’t it time for an independent people’s party — a party of the working-class majority — that addresses the 21st century economic crises and their aftermath, the acute environmental crisis, the broken public health and healthcare systems, the insidious impoverishment of inflation, the crumbling infrastructure, and a host of other urgent demands, a party dedicated to serving the working people of the US and not its wealthy and powerful?